Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Life History

Life History of Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah



“Mohammad Ali Jinnah was born on December 25, 1876, in Karachi, Pakistan. In 1906, he joined the Indian National Congress. After the seven-year, Quaid e Azam joined the Indian Muslim League. Jinnah’s vision of an independent state of Pakistan came into force on August 14, 1947. The next day, he was sworn in as Pakistan’s first Governor-General. On September 11, 1948, he passed away near Karachi, Pakistan.”


Jinnah’s birth name was Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s, and he was probably born in 1876 on the second floor of a rented house Mansion Karachi, with Poonja Jinnah and his wife, Matthi Bai. Quaid e Azam was born in Pakistan but used to be a part of Bombay during that period. Jinnah belonged to a Gujarati Khwaja Ismaili Shiite background, but later took up the position of 12 Imami. Jinnah belonged to a middle-income family. His father was a businessman who was born in a Jollah family in Panelli village of Gondal (Kathiawar, Gujarat), his mother also belonged to this village. Quaid e Azam emigrated to Karachi in 1875 and had previously been in a marriage relationship. Karachi’s economy was booming these days, and the opening of the Canal Suez Canal in 1869 meant that Karachi was 200 nautical miles closer to Europe than Bombay.

Jinnah was the second of his brother and sisters, and he had three brothers and three sisters, including Fatima Jinnah. Their parents spoke Gujarati, while the children spoke turtle and also English. Except for Fatima, there is little information available about Jinnah’s other siblings, such as where she lived and whether she ever met Jinnah’s successes in her legal and political field. In childhood, Muhammad Ali Jinnah also stayed for some time with his aunt in Bombay, where he might have attended Gokal Das Tej Primary School, later studying at the Cathedral and John Cannon School. In Karachi, he attended the Sindh Seminary of Islam and the Christian Missionary Society High School. He did his matriculation at Bombay High School.


In the same year, 1892, he went to the Graham Shipping and Trading Company in the United Kingdom for a training course, which was commissioned by Sir Frederick Leif Crow, who was a business partner of his father, Ponja Jinnah, but before leaving for Britain. Under pressure from her mother, Quaid e Azam was married to a distant relative, Amy Bai, who was two years younger than Jinnah. But this marriage did not last long as Amy Jinnah and her mother passed away a few months after their departure to the United Kingdom. Jinnah’s family moved to Bombay in 1893.

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Shortly after moving to London, he quit his job, which his father was deeply offended by, which provided him with a reasonable cost of living for three years before leaving. Quaid e Azam was impressed with Barrister’s degree, so he enrolled in Lincoln. Later, he gave the institution the reason for giving him the honor of being on the Court of Inquiry. Was introduced by the laws that also listed the name of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Although his biographer Stanley Wool pert,

did not see any such name, there was indeed a picture of Hazrat Muhammad there. Stanley Wool pert later thought that Jinnah might have adopted this story differently because Muslims regarded the Prophet’s image as bad. Quaid e Azam education included the PURPLE (legal training foreword) system that had been in place for centuries. He sought the guidance of senior barristers to gain knowledge of the law, and he also studied several law books. During this time, he shortened his name to Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Life History
Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Life History

During his student days, he was influenced by British enlightenment, like many other Indian leaders. This political trend also included democratic nationalism and constructive politics. Also, he was impressed by the Indian Parsi leaders, grandfather Nurji and Sir Feroz Shah Mehta.

In the meantime, he, along with other Indian students, has been active in the British Parliament elections. The effect of these activities was that over time, Quaid e Azam became supportive of India’s constitutional sovereignty, and he condemned the discriminatory and discriminatory treatment of British whites against Indians. When Grandfather Brother Nurji became the first Member of Parliament of British India, and he got a majority of three votes in the Fans Bad Central. Then Muhammad Ali Jinnah sat down in the Gallery of the House of Commons to hear Nauru’s speech.

The western world not only influenced Jinnah’s politics, but he was also influenced by Western dress in private life. All his life, he came to the general public and took care of his clothes. He had close to 200 suits, he wore a heavy cotton shirt, which he used as a detachable collar, and as a barrister, Quaid e Azam was proud that he had ever worn a silk tie — never used. Even when he was nearly ill, he maintained his habit and said that I do not travel in my pajamas. Later in the day, he wore a karakali (hat), which led him to the Jinnah Cape.

Jinnah was dissatisfied with the law, so he briefly joined the Shakespearean company, but soon resigned when he received a persuasive letter from his father asking him to return because of his father. They were unable to afford the costs due to the loss of business. In 1895, at the age of 19, Quaid e Azam became the youngest Indian to be called the most youthful bar in Britain. When he returned, he stayed briefly in Karachi and then moved to Bombay.



At the age of 20, Jinnah started practicing lawyer in Bombay. He was the only Muslim Barrister in the city at that time. Quaid e Azam used to use the English language habitually, and this habit lasted all his life. The first three years of his advocacy were extraordinary from 1897 to 1900. His bright future in this field began when the advocate general of Bombay, John Molesworth McPherson, invited him to work from his chamber. In the year 1900, the Presidency Magistrate of Bombay,

P.K. H. Dastur, whose seat was vacated from time to time, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah succeeded in securing this seat. After holding the post for six months, Jinnah received a permanent salary of Rs 1500 per month. Jinnah rejected it, saying that he wanted to earn Rs 1500 a day – which was a massive amount in that period – and he did so. Not only this but as Governor-General of Pakistan, he preferred to take only one rupee a month instead of paying more.

As a lawyer, Quaid e Azam gained a lot of fame in 1907 due to his expertly contested Caucus case. This problem arose in the municipal elections in Bombay when the Europeans, through their Caucus (political party representative), forced Indian officials to sack so that Feroz Shah Mehta was excluded from the council. Although he could not win the case, his legal logic and lawyer style made him famous.

His growing reputation as a successful lawyer drew the attention of Congressman Bal Gangadhar Tilak. In 1905, Bal Gangadhar Tilak obtained the services of Jinnah as a defense adviser to the British Empire. Filed by, follow the case-law of the peace. Quaid e Azam, pursuing the case, arguing in favour of his client, said that if an Indian speaks of the establishment of a free and sovereign government in his country, it does not fall into the category of lawlessness or treachery. Despite this, Bal Gangadhar Tilak was sentenced to prisoner labour in this case.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah as a young lawyer

But when he was again charged in 1916, Jinnah managed to get bail this time. A barrister from the Bombay High Court, who was a contemporary of Jinnah, says Jinnah was incredibly confident in himself, saying this in the context of the incident when one judge angrily told Muhammad Ali Jinnah that Mr. Remember Jinnah, you are not addressed to any third class magistrate Jinnah responds immediately .Mr. Let me also warn you that you are not directed to any third-class lawyer.


Many Indians participated in the War of 1857. After the war, some Anglo Indians and some Indians in Britain demanded broader sovereignty for the subcontinent; these demands resulted in the formation of the All India Congress in 1885. Most of the leaders of this party were educated from the UK, and on their requirements, the government brought about small reforms. Muslims were not much interested in establishing democratic institutions in British India, as their population was one-third of the total population while the majority were Hindus. Muslims had less participation in the early Congress meetings, most of whom were from the wealthy.

Jinnah was engaged in advocacy practice until the early 1920s, but he also became interested in politics. Quaid e Azam began his political career in December 1904 by attending the Twenty-first Congress Meeting in Bombay. He was counted among members of the Congress who were supporters of the Hindu Muslim Alliance and the proprietors of modern ideas, including Mehta, Naroji, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale. Tilak and Lala Lajpat among those who opposed the views of these members. Roy was a supporter of the quick process for independence. In 1906, Muslim leaders, including Aga Khan Som, met with Governor-General Hind Lord Minto and assured him of his loyalty. Will I be saved from the “cruel majority [Hindus]” in these political reforms? Disagreeing with the process, Muhammad Ali Jinnah wrote a letter to the editor of the Gujarati newspaper explaining how these Muslim leaders are leading the Muslims, although they have not elected them but have become their own leaders. Quaid e Azam opposed it even when these leaders were reuniting in Dhaka and working for the establishment of the All India Muslim League on issues of their community. The Viceroy of India was still unwilling to accept the Muslim League as a delegation of Muslims as the League proved itself more influential in the abolition of partition Bengal (which was against the Muslims near the League).


In 1906, Jinnah joined the All India Congress, the largest political party in India at that time, but like other Congress leaders of that time, Muhammad Ali Jinnah instead of advocating for independence, instead of supporting India’s education, law, culture, and industry. Declared British influence is useful for India. Jinnah became a member of the 60-member Central Advisory Council (Imperial Legislative Council), but the council had no status or power of its own, and most of the people involved were non-elected European-speaking European speakers. Yet Quaid e Azam remained vibrant and worked to legalize the law and dedication of Muslims for the marriage of infants, and these efforts resulted in the formation of a Sandhurst Committee, which established the Indian Military Academy in Dera Dawn. During the First World War, Muhammad Ali Jinnah endorsed the British war with other Indian progressives, with the hope that in return for Indians’ political independence. Be blessed.


When members of Congress like Jinnah lost their views in Congress, Mehta and Gopal Krishna Ghokhel died in 1915, this isolation increased further when Dadabhai Navroji also reformed London where he lived till his death in 1917. Despite this, Muhammad Ali Jinnah sought to bridge the gap between the Muslim League and the All India Congress. In 1916, when he was president of the Muslim League, the two unions unanimously agreed to write the quote, under which individual quotas were set up for Hindus and Muslims in different areas. Although the agreement was not fully implemented, it paved the way for cooperation between the two parties. During the war, Quaid e Azam agreed with the Indians, who believed that by backing the British, the whites would give the Indians freedom as a reward. In 1916 Jinnah played a vital role in the formation of the All India Home Roll League. He called for a “home roll” with other political leaders such as Annie Besant and Bal Gangadhar Tilak, which aimed to get India into the British Empire while gaining prominence in Canada, New Zealand, and Australia. Still, the interests of the whites after the war Indian legal reform gets cold British cabinet minister Edwin Montego describes Muhammad Ali Jinnah as “a young, completely talkative, inspirational-faced, sharp-armed, and devoted to all his plans.”

In 1918, Jinnah married Mariam Jinnah, twenty-five years old. She was the fashionable young daughter of her friend Sir Dinshaw Pett, who belonged to a wealthy Parsi family in Bombay. The marriage was opposed by Mariam Jinnah’s family and the Parsi community, as well as many others. Muslim religious leaders were also against this marriage. The Ratan brothers entered Islam despite opposition from their families. They adopted the name of Mariam Jinnah, though she never used it, thus losing her family and her Parsi community forever. The couple made their living in Bombay, and after marriage, they travelled to many parts of India and Europe for fun. The name of the Quaid e Azam Daughter was Dina Wadia, was born on August 15, 1919. In 1929 Jinnah’s wife died, and Fatima Jinnah took care of him and his daughter.

Relations between the British and Indians were strained during 1919 when they imposed various restrictions on public liberties during the war. Jinnah resigned in that period. After the Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar incident spread throughout India, British troops opened fire on the mob and killed several hundred people. Gandhi returned to India in the wake of the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy and was warmly welcomed into India, during which time he proved to be an influential and respected leader of the Congress. During this period, he campaigned against the British. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was also an inspirational figure to many Muslims. Due to Gandhi’s support of the Muslim stand in the Khilafat movement, they were spiritually affiliated with the Ottoman Caliphate. But in the First World War, the Ottoman Caliph lost his throne. Subsequently, many Muslims associated with the expedition were killed or imprisoned, and with the support of these Muslims, Gandhi earned a good reputation in the mosques. Unlike Jinnah, most leaders of Gandhi and the All India Congress were proud to wear Indian clothing, and they preferred Indian language to English. Gandhi’s local politics gained considerable popularity in the subcontinent. Jinnah misunderstood the issue of Gandhi’s caliphate, calling it “an expression of religious sentiment.” Jinnah termed Gandhi’s Satyagraha campaign, “political anarchy.” Quaid e Azam believed that the achievement of a sovereign government could be achieved through legal means. They opposed Gandhi, but the waves of Indians’ views were against them. At the Annual Congress Meeting in Nagpur in 1920, many leaders strongly opposed Jinnah’s views, arguing that Gandhi’s Satyagraha campaign should be run until the independence of India. Jinnah did not attend the meeting of the Muslim League held in the same period. The meeting was also held in the same city, and he passed a similar resolution. Gandhi’s continued support of the Congress-led him to resign from all positions in this party, but he remained in the PML-N place.


Muhammad Iqbal’s views had a profound impact on Jinnah, and as a result, the path to Pakistan’s establishment paved the way. The authors have written that effect to the mighty, powerful, and unacceptable. It is also said of Mohammed Iqbal that he ended Jinnah’s self-imposed exile in London and joined India’s politics. Although initially Iqbal and Jinnah owned two different ideas, Muhammad Ali Jinnah believed that he was on the brink of a crisis in his Muslim community in India. Decisions are taken. According to Akbar Salahuddin Ahmed, Iqbal’s ideas changed before he died in 1938. Iqbal gradually succeeded in changing Jinnah’s views, and Jinnah accepted his advice. Ahmed quoted a letter sent by Jinnah to Iqbal in which Jinnah agreed that Iqbal believed that there should be a separate homeland for Muslims.

Due to Iqbal, the Muslim identity was also a praiseworthy thing for Quaid e Azam. Ahmad says that Jinnah had agreed to his political but personal beliefs with Nasir Iqbal. Evidence of these effects began to appear since 1937. During this time, Jinnah used to talk about the ideas of Islam in his speeches, and he used to mention Islamic traditions in public places. For Ahmad, Jinnah’s words “changed a few things.” But Jinnah still spoke in his speech about religious freedom and the rights of minorities. He considered the rule of the Prophet Muhammad as a model. Ahmed claims that writers who draw a secular sketch of Jinnah should listen to his speeches and examine them in the context of Islamic history and culture. It was this change that raised the question of a clear natural Islamic state in Jinnah’s conversation. The same change made him seek Iqbal’s ideology until the last days of Quaid e Azam, those Iqbal ideologies that appeared to be influenced by Islamic unity, Islamic ideology of freedom, justice and equality, economy, and even prayer.

The extent to which Iqbal’s thinking influenced Jinnah can be gauged from one of his public speeches in the 1940s. Muhammad Ali Jinnah said, “If an ideal Islamic state is established in India in the future, and I am told that it is better to govern and to serve Iqbal, then I would choose the latter.”


In 1933, Indian Muslims, especially Muslims from the United Provinces, came back to Muhammad Ali Jinnah and asked to take over the leadership of the Muslim League, which had now become slightly more dynamic. He was now the only named president. When he was invited to preside over the 1933 session, he apologized, saying he could not attend before the end of the year.

The leaders who met Jinnah in this regard included Liaquat Ali Khan, who later emerged as a close advisor to Quaid e Azam and also rose to the position of Pakistan’s first Prime Minister. Regarding Jinnah’s return, Liaquat Ali Khan consulted with several Muslim leaders and conveyed his message to Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In early 1934 Jinnah sold his home in Hempstead and ended his legal practice so that they could go back to India.

In October 1934, the Muslims of Bombay nominated Jinnah as its representative for the Central Legislative Assembly. The British Parliament gave the provinces some powers under the Government of India Act, 1935, while a central assembly was formed in Delhi, which had no powers, such as defence, foreign affairs, and budgetary matters. The Viceroy was made the authority yesterday, and he could dissolve the Assembly and the laws at any time. The League accepted the plan but at the same time, expressed its concerns over the issue of a weak Parliament. The Congress was well prepared for the 1937 elections, while the Muslim League failed miserably in these elections, even in the Muslim majority areas. The party gained a majority in Delhi, and in Bengal, it became the ally of the victorious party. The Congress and its partners formed the government in the North-West Frontier Province (1901–1955), although all the people living in that province were Muslim.

According to Singh, these results were tremendous and almost traumatic for Jinnah. Yet for 20 years, Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s view that the Muslim United States was in the minority in India, that some legal reforms, including the limitation of Muslim provinces, had increased their rights. Whom Quaid e Azam had ever thought it could fail from Muslim factional conflicts. “Singh writes on Muslim leaders describing the effects of the failure of the 1937 elections” when the Congress Almost all of the Muslim seats, including the wisdom of the non-Congress Muslim leaders, suddenly sat down in their bitter right when their opponents sat in opposition chairs. Realize that they are on the right hand. If Congress had not won a single Muslim seat, it would have been a source of great satisfaction to them. As he had won a clear majority in the Assembly, he was unquestionably authorized to form a non-government. “

For the next two years, Quaid e Azam worked for the Muslim League to gain Muslim support. He was present in the government of Bengal and Punjab, so he kept raising his voice for the Muslims from there. He also worked on expanding the Muslim League. He reduced the fee of membership of the party to two (5 rupees), which was still more than half the Congress membership fee. Muhammad Ali Jinnah changed the composition of the Muslim League on the style of Congress and empowered the working committee which he himself selected. In December 1939, Liaquat Ali Khan estimated that the number of incoming members was three million.


Until the 1930s, most Muslims thought of living in a united state with Hindus in the form of independence, as they had lived for centuries, and this was the idea of ​​Hindus, who were demanding sovereignty. Also, suggestions were made on some nationalistic grounds. In the 1930s in Allahabad, Sir Muhammad Iqbal demanded a separate state for Muslims. In 1933, Chaudhry Rahmat Ali published a pamphlet called Pakistan, in which he named Pakistan as the area on the Indus Valley and other Indian Muslim-majority areas. Jinnah and Iqbal continued to meet in 1936, and 1938 and Muhammad Ali Jinnah supported his dream in his speech.

Although all the Congress leaders were working for a powerful united country, some Muslim leaders, including Jinnah, were against it. He was backing these views because he could not be assured of the protection of the rights of his profession. Although all the Congress leaders were working for a powerful united country, some Muslim leaders, including Quaid e Azam, He was advocating these views because he could not assure the protection of the rights of his profession. In addition to this, some Muslim politicians were convinced of the Congress. In spite of this, many Hindu politicians wanted to see India as a Hindu state in the event of independence. And like Madan Mohan Maloya) he had to ban cow sacrifice in free India, and Hindi had to get official language status. Unable to stop Hindu pro-columnists, Congress-backed Muslims faced a range of concerns. Yet, by 1937, the Muslim number of Congress supporters was in good shape.

The further separation between the two groups came when the two parties failed to form a coalition in the United Provinces in the elections of 1937. Historian Ian Talbot writes, “The provincial governments of Congress have begun to understand the Muslim population and their religious sensitivity. No action was taken to respect him, while in this period, the Muslim League claimed the rights of the Muslims, and most importantly, the Muslim League demanded Pakistan shortly after this congressional rule.

Balaraj Puri writes in his article in the journal Jinnah that “after the 1937 vote, the attention of the president of the Muslim League went towards distribution”. Historian Akbar Salahuddin Ahmed suggests that Quaid e Azam reconciliation with the Congress in these periods seemed to be pointless. In those days, he had also become embroiled in an Islamic identity, and this seemed to him a separate, sufficient one. And was fully recognizable, and this was reflected in his later life. Since 1930, he has been seen wearing an eastern garment. After the 1937 elections, Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanded that the power be distributed. Be conferred on the whole of India and be taken as the sole spokesperson for all the Muslims of India.


British Prime Minister Nouvelle Chamberlain declared war on Nazi Germany on September 3, 1939. With the Viceroy of India, Victor Hoop decided to join the British politicians in Baghirjung for the sake of Indian politicians. This process took place in the sub-continent. After meeting Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Viceroy took the stand that the issue of sovereignty was suspended because of the war. Congress demanded the creation of law and independence from a legislative assembly when the demand was rejected. So, on November 10, Congress resigned from its eight provincial governments to govern the affairs of the provinces during the war. In the meantime, Quaid e Azam began to support the British; on the other hand, which made the British consider him a representative of the Muslim population. Jinnah later says that after the outbreak of war, the British started to give him equal importance as Gandhi. I was surprised that I was seated on the seat next to Gandhi. “Although the Muslim League did not actively support Britain in the war, nor did it interrupt it.

When Muslims started to cooperate fully with the whites, the Viceroy asked Muhammad Ali Jinnah the Muslim League’s opinion on government sovereignty, thinking that the League’s views would be completely different from the Congress. Arriving at this location, the Working Committee of the League worked on the recommendations sent to the Legal Committee four days in February 1940. The demands that this committee sent to the subcommittee were told that “an independent state should be established in Muslim-majority areas and that these matters should be completed directly under the management of the United Kingdom.” On February 6, Quaid e Azam informed the Viceroy that the League would follow the 1935 Act. Will demand the division to become a subsidiary of the Federal Government. The Resolution Lahore (which is known by the name of Qardad Pakistan, although it was not used in this name) consisted of the work of the same subcommittee, and it adopted a two-party ideology for the integration of the North-West Muslim-majority areas, in which they were completed. Autonomy demanded. Similar rights were demanded in the eastern regions. Minorities in other provinces were also mentioned. It was adopted in the Lahore session of the Muslim League on March 23, 1940.

Gandhi described the process as “astonishing” while remaining silent, but he also told his followers that Muslim nations also have the right to demand their sovereignty.

While other Congress leaders reacted to this, Jawaharlal Nehru called it Jinnah’s “creative suggestion” while Chakraborty Rajgopal Acharya called Jinnah’s split proposal “a sign of mental illness.” 1940 I met the Viceroy of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and in the meantime, Winston Churchill became Prime Minister. In August, he assured both the Congress and the League that the Viceroy’s Indian delegation to the British delegation in exchange for cooperation in the war. Will allow you to keep The Viceroy promised to the delegates that the fate of India would be decided after the war and that no decision would be made without the will of any large population, although the Congress and the League did not trust these promises Jinnah was happy. That whites share them as their representative in the affairs of Muslims. Quaid e Azam was reluctant to give suggestions on Pakistan’s border demarcation concerning the rest of the subcontinent with Britain, making it a sect in the League.

The Japanese invaded Pearl Harbor in December 1941 and provided Americans with a chance to jump into battle. It was during this period that when Japanese troops advanced toward Southeast Asia, the British cabinet launched a mission led by Sir Stafford Corps. The mission sent to India was to ask Indian leaders for full support for the war. The Corps also suggested to some provinces that they wish to remain sovereign for a while or to merge permanently or with any country in the future. Since the Muslim League could not vote in the Hindu areas of East Bengal, Quaid e Azam rejected the proposal. The Congress also opposed the proposal and demanded immediate concessions for which the Corps was unprepared. Nevertheless, Jinnah and the League’s leader cited the issue of the Corps as slamming Pakistan’s core demand.

With the failure of the Corps mission, Congress launched a Kuwait India campaign in August 1942 and decided to resume the campaign of Satyagraha until independence. Britain, in turn, kept all Congress leaders in prison until the end of the war. The Gurus arrested Gandhi at a palace in Aga Khan and kept in house detention, but in 1944 he was released due to his nature’s destruction. During the disappearance of the political leaders of the Congress leaders, Muhammad Ali Jinnah led the movement in Pakistan. Jinnah also strengthened the League politically in the provinces in the meantime. He issued an English newspaper Dawn in 1940 from which he spread the League’s messages and later became one of Pakistan’s leading English newspapers.

After his release in 1944, Gandhi met him at Jinnah’s house in the Malabar Hills of Bombay. The two-week meeting did not yield any results. Quaid e Azam insisted that the sub-continent should be divided even before the expulsion of the whites and that Pakistan should have freedom soon after their expulsion, while Gandhi’s stand was that the British decided to postpone the partition. After the war in 1945, Liaquat Ali Khan and Bhalbhai Desai met, both agreed that the Congress and the League would form a functioning government and that the Viceroy’s Executive Council would have equal numbers of members. ۔ When other members of Congress were released from prison in 1945, they opposed the Desai process and said that Desai had done more than his powers.


Archibald Weill replaced the outgoing Viceroy in 1943. The new Viceroy convened a conference in June 1945, inviting prominent leaders of all parties to Shimla. He proposed a one-time government on the style of Liaquat and Desai. But Quaid e Azam did not agree that only Muslim candidates should be appointed to the seats reserved for Muslims. All invited leaders submitted their list of candidates for the party to the Viceroy. But he stopped the process in mid-July, which led the Churchill government to believe the process would not succeed.

The British people elected Clement Atlee of the Labor Party in the next election. Italy and its advisor to India Lord Patrick Lawrence issued a review order to review the Indian situation. Instead of commenting on the British government’s change, Muhammad Ali Jinnah convened a meeting of his working committee in which he called for new elections for India. At that time, the League had gained considerable roots at the provincial level, and Jinnah believed he could prove his claim to be the sole representative party of the Muslim United Nations by winning a majority of seats in Muslim areas in elections with his other allies. The Viceroy visited India in September after consulting with his officials in London, and shortly after, the provincial and center elections were announced. This was an indication of the fact that the process of becoming law began only after voting.

“Think 100 times before you make a decision, But once that decision is taken, stand by it as one man.”

Quaid e Azam Quotes

The Muslim League made it clear that it would run a campaign only on the demand of Pakistan. Under the auspices of the Constituent Assembly of India in December 1945, the Muslim League won all the seats allocated to the Muslims. While Quaid e Azam won more than 75 percent of the seats in the provincial seats, he won only 4 percent in the elections in 1937. His biographer Hectorbolitho writes, “These were Jinnah’s happiest moments, his tireless political campaigns.” Their convictions and claims, all were decided “. Wilpert believes that “the League’s clear victory in the election proved the demand for Muslims to be a universal reality.” Although the Congress was still in the majority in the General Assembly, its previous four seats were now reduced. In the meantime, Muhammad Iqbal introduced Jinnah to Ghulam Ahmad Pervaiz, whom Muhammad Ali Jinnah handed over to the editor of a magazine Tolo Islam, in which the magazine demanded a separate Muslim state.

Congress soon joined the Indian Ministry. The League, however, showed a cheapness in this matter and did not join it before October 1946. Jinnah’s withdrawal from the Congress demanded equality and veto demands in Muslim affairs because of his willingness to join the League’s government. The foundation of this new Ministry was laid out in the context of various riots, especially on the Day of Direct Action. The Congress wanted the Viceroy to issue a summons to the Legislative Assembly, and he felt that the ministers of the League should join him in this matter or resign. The Viceroy left for Jinnah, Liaquat, Nehru in December 1946 to control the situation. At the end of the negotiations, it was announced that the law would not be enforced without the intention of any part of India. On return, Quaid e Azam and Liaquat stayed for several days to attend the Pan-Islamic Meeting in Cairo. ۔

The Congress endorsed the London dialogue over disagreements caused by certain issues. But the League refused to do so, and they did not attend the legal meeting. Jinnah was at the time concerned with some relations with India, such as joint defense or defense. But in December 1946, he called for an independent Pakistan.

After the failure of the London Treaty, Muhammad Ali Jinnah was in no hurry to negotiate, thinking that over time he would succeed in securing undivided Punjab and Bengal, but in some parts of these wealthy, large and densely populated areas. I was in the Muslim minority, and this was a hindrance to putting their ideas into practice. The Italian Ministry, meanwhile, wished that they would soon evacuate India to Britain, but less so because of Weave. Were excited. In early December 1946, Britain decided to replace the Viceroy and was soon replaced by Louis Mountbatten, who was popular with the Conservatives as a grandson of a war leader and Queen Victoria, and he was known for his political views. Reasons were also popular in the Labor Party.


In March, Jinnah visited East Pakistan in spite of his worsening nature. Quaid e Azam addressed three million people in English, saying Urdu would be Pakistan’s only national language, and he believed that doing so would unite the nation. But the Bengali-speaking people of East Pakistan later strongly opposed it, and the issue played an essential role in the establishment of Bangladesh in 1971.


After the establishment of Pakistan, George VI’s photo was printed on Pakistani notes. This note was in use until June 30, 1949. But in April 1949, these notes were registered with the Government of Pakistan’s stamps and were granted legal permission. On the same day, Pakistan’s Minister of Finance, Malik Ghulam Muhammad, introduced a set of seven coins to the Jinnah at the Government House (Rs 1, Rs 120, Rs 120, Rs 190, A2, A1, A). 1) and coins – 1) These coins were the first coins issued by the Government of Pakistan.


On September 9, Jinnah was diagnosed with pneumonia. Now doctors advised him to Karachi where he could get better treatment, and on his consent, he started crying on September 11. His physician, Dr Allahi Bakhsh, estimates that Jinnah’s permission to go to Karachi was due to his disappointment with his life. When the plane landed in Karachi, Quaid e Azam was immediately flown in an ambulance. But until the ambulance got worse on the way, Jinnah and his co-workers waited for the ambulance, and they could not be towed to the car because they were not sitting upright. They remained there in the heat, and cars and trucks passed by them, who did not know the person close to him. After waiting for an hour. An ambulance arrived in which Muhammad Ali Jinnah was taken to the Government House. Jinnah died in his Karachi home at 10:20 am on September 11, 1948, just one year after becoming Pakistan.


Jinnah’s daughter Dina Wadia lived in India before moving to New York permanently after independence. In the 1965 presidential election, Mother Mullah Fatima Jinnah decided to become the presidential candidate from the opposition parties of Ayub Khan but failed to succeed (too many political analysts, these elections were rigged).

Jinnah’s house in Malabar Hill Bombay is under the management of the Indian government today, but Pakistan and India are in dispute over its ownership. Jinnah requested Prime Minister Nehru to give government protection to the house. Hopefully, Muhammad Ali Jinnah will go to Mumbai one day. Proposals to convert the building into a Pakistani consulate have also been circulating, but Dinah Wadia has also claimed ownership over it. After Jinnah’s death, Fatima Jinnah initiated Jinnah’s legal proceedings. Shi’a said to complete according to jurisprudence. This process sparked debate in Pakistan about Jinnah’s profession. Willy Nassar says, “Although Jinnah was a born Ismaili (Shi’ite) and at least twelve Imami (Shi’a), he did not explicitly follow the religion.” In 1970, Hasanin Ali Ganji Vilji made a legal claim that Jinnah had adopted the Sunni profession. Still, the High Court rejected it and decided on the Quaid e Azam Family Shia profession in 1976. Khalid Ahmad, a journalist. Jinnah was opposed to sectarianism, and “Jinnah struggled to bring India’s Muslims to the core Islamic identity, not to a divided sectarian basis.” Ahmad cites a unique Pakistani court ruling that states, “Jinnah were a secular Muslim, so he is not in the Shia Sunni category.” And in 1984, Liaquat H. Merchant upheld the decision, saying, “Mostly People Asked. Is Quaid e Azam Shia? Jinnah was not Sunni, not Shia, but he was a simple Muslim.”

The above article describes the complete Quaid e Azam Biography. If you like to read this article, please share this article with your friends.

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